Regional Dialogue in Abidjan
On 31 July, the calm gardens of President Alassane Ouattara’s private residence in Abidjan hosted a conversation that—despite its restrained protocol—echoed far beyond Côte d’Ivoire’s lagoon shores. Prime Minister Anatole Collinet Makosso, carrying a personal message from President Denis Sassou Nguesso, opened the exchange with warm words on the historic fraternity linking the two republics; in return, the Ivorian head of state emphasised continuity in a relationship that is as political as it is cultural, dating back to Félix Houphouët-Boigny’s early overtures to Brazzaville in the 1960s (Ivorian Presidency communiqué).
Abidjan–Brazzaville Axis of Pragmatic Cooperation
Bilateral trade between the two countries still represents a modest share of their external accounts, yet it has expanded steadily since the Congo–Côte d’Ivoire Joint Commission was revitalised in 2019. Officials familiar with the file stress that Ouattara and Sassou Nguesso view one another as reliable partners in a region where diplomatic alignments can be fickle. The Abidjan meeting therefore served both a symbolic and a practical purpose: to reaffirm faith in rules-based collaboration at a moment when sanctions regimes, energy shocks and shifting commodity prices test domestic budgets across the Gulf of Guinea corridor (African Development Bank data).
Makosso underscored President Sassou Nguesso’s “personal attachment” to what he termed an “axis of pragmatic solidarity”. Sources at the Congolese Chancery point out that Brazzaville, long perceived as francophone Africa’s quiet diplomatic workhorse, has doubled its outreach since joining the OPEC+ production adjustment mechanism in 2020, seeking new investment partners while keeping faith with traditional alliances.
The UNESCO Succession and African Stakes
Central to Makosso’s mission was the candidacy of Firmin Édouard Matoko, former UNESCO Assistant Director-General for Priority Africa and External Relations. Matoko’s résumé—four decades in cultural diplomacy, stewardship of the Félix Houphouët-Boigny Peace Prize and a proven record in mobilising South-South cooperation—has already won cautious praise in Paris and Addis Ababa (UNESCO Secretariat profile).
Ouattara, himself a former multilateral banker, responded by pledging “constructive advocacy” within ECOWAS and the wider francophone caucus, diplomats present at the meeting confirm. The Ivorian leader’s endorsement matters: Côte d’Ivoire served on UNESCO’s Executive Board as recently as 2021, and its diplomatic machine in New York and Paris enjoys enviable traction among Small Island Developing States—a vote-rich constituency in the agency’s electoral arithmetic.
For Congo-Brazzaville, a successful bid would mark its highest profile at a UN specialised agency since Henri Lopes presided over the UNDP board in 1999. Analysts consulted in Brazzaville underline that Matoko’s platform—anchored in education financing, digital inclusion and heritage protection—mirrors priorities already enshrined in Congo’s Plan national de développement 2022-2026, thereby aligning domestic policy with multilateral aspiration.
Security Calculus in a Turbulent Gulf of Guinea
Beyond the UNESCO race, Ouattara and Makosso devoted substantial time to what one senior Ivorian official described as “the widening arc of fragility stretching from Lake Chad to the Atlantic”. The resurgence of coups in the Sahel, persistent maritime piracy off Nigeria and nascent jihadist cells in northern Benin have propelled coastal states to enhance intelligence sharing. Brazzaville, leveraging its chairmanship of the UN Standing Advisory Committee on Security Questions in Central Africa until December, has proposed synchronised naval patrols and a region-wide early-warning unit. Ouattara, according to the same official, “welcomed any architecture that can insulate the Abidjan–Lagos corridor from shockwaves further north”.
Congo’s track record bolsters its credibility. The country has maintained one of Central Africa’s most consistent troop contributions to UN peacekeeping, from MINUSCA in the Central African Republic to MONUSCO in the DRC. By foregrounding stability, Makosso positioned Brazzaville as a net provider of security—an argument that resonates strongly with Abidjan, whose own growth-focused agenda hinges on a secure neighbourhood.
Diplomacy of Continuity under Sassou Nguesso
Critics occasionally cast President Sassou Nguesso’s long tenure as proof of stagnation; yet supporters argue that continuity has allowed Congo to refine a consensual diplomatic brand. The government’s mediation in the Central African Republic (2021) and outreach to both warring factions in Sudan’s early talks (2023) are often cited as evidence of that deliberate, low-key style. Makosso’s visit fits the pattern: quiet negotiation, targeted deliverables, limited fanfare.
Foreign-policy scholar Clarisse Ndanga of the University of Kinshasa notes that “Brazzaville rarely over-communicates; instead, it accrues soft power through patient coalition-building”. The Abidjan encounter, she argues, “illustrates how Congo’s diplomacy thrives on personal rapport—here between Sassou Nguesso, Ouattara and, by extension, Matoko”.
What Next for Pan-African Multilateralism
The final handshake in Abidjan registered little on international headlines, yet its subtext carries strategic weight. By aligning behind a single African candidate for UNESCO, Côte d’Ivoire and Congo-Brazzaville avoid the fragmentation that has occasionally blunted the continent’s leverage in Geneva and New York. By speaking candidly about security externalities, they also acknowledge a shared responsibility for collective resilience.
It is too early to predict whether Firmin Édouard Matoko will secure the Director-General’s office or how the region will navigate the next geopolitical storm. Still, the Abidjan meeting offers a glimpse of how measured dialogue, anchored in respect and pragmatic ambition, can translate elite wisdom into concerted action. In an age of accelerated crises, that, in itself, is no small diplomatic dividend.
